Impacts America Latina

Michelle J. asked:


The history of sign language is littered with shocking events. At several points in history, some not long ago, deaf people were strongly oppressed. At one point, they were even denied their basic rights. How their language, sign language, was treated during these oppressive times is directly related to why the deaf place such a high value on sign language today.

The first person to make a claim about deaf people was Aristotle. He theorized that people are only able to learn by hearing spoken words. Deaf people, then, were seen as unable to be educated.

Deaf people were denied their basic rights because of this claim. They weren’t allowed to marry or own property. The law actually labeled them as “non-persons.”

During the Renaissance in Europe, the claim was finally challenged. After 2,000 years of believing that deaf people couldn’t be educated, scholars made their first attempts to educate deaf people. This point in the Deaf history was the beginning of signed language development.

The Beginning of Deaf Education

An Italian Physician named Geronimo Cardano recognized that to learn, you do not have to hear. He found that by using the written word, deaf people could be educated.

In Spain, Pedro Ponce de Leon around the same time was educating deaf children. He was a Benedictine monk and was successful with his methods of teaching.

Juan Pablo de Bonet was inspired by Pedro Ponce de Leon’s success and used his own methods to teach the deaf. He was a Spanish monk and used earlier methods of teaching the deaf that included writing, reading, speechreading, and his own manual alphabet. Juan Pablo de Bonet’s manual alphabet represented the different speech sounds and was the first known manual alphabet system in the history of sign language.

Until the 1750’s, organized education of deaf people did not exist. Established in Paris by Abbé Charles Michel de L’Epée, a French priest, was the first social and religious association for the deaf.

There is a popular story that has been retold throughout Deaf history about Abbé de L’Epée. The story claims that while L’Epée was visiting a poor part of Paris, he met two deaf sisters. The mother had wanted them educated in religion, and she wanted L’Epée to teach them. L’Epée was inspired to educate them after he discovered their deafness. Soon after this encounter, he devoted his life completely to the education of the deaf.

In 1771, Abbé de L’Epée founded the first public school for the deaf. The name of the school was the Institut National des Jeune Sourds-Muets (National Institute for Deaf-Mutes). Children travelled from all over the country to attend this school. The children who attended the institute had been signing at home and creating a sort of “home sign language” with their families. Abbé de L’Epée learned these home signs and used them to teach the children French.

The signs L’Epée learned from his students formed the standard sign language that L’Epée taught. More schools for the deaf were established and the children were bringing this standard language home to their communities. This standard language became the first standard signed language in Deaf history and is now known as Old French Sign Language. More and more deaf students were becoming educated so this standard language spread widely throughout Europe.

Abbé de L’Epée established twenty-one schools for the deaf and is known today as the “Father of Sign Language and Deaf Education.”

Abbé de L’Epée is also often credited with being the inventor of sign language. This is inaccurate. Sign language was invented by deaf people. Even before they were formally educated, deaf children were signing with their families using home made signs. However, Abbé de L’Epée was the first to bring together these signs and create a standard sign language to educate the deaf.

Abbé de L’Epée claimed that sign language was the natural language of the deaf. However, a German educator named Samuel Heinicke thought different. He supported the oral method of educating deaf children. Oralism is the term used for educating the deaf using a system of speech and speechreading instead of sign language and fingerspelling. Samuel Heinicke taught his students how to speak, not sign. While he spoke, he had his students feel the vibrations of his throat.

Oralism was the first major roadblock after all of the positive advancements with the history of sign language. Abbé de L’Epée is known as the “Father of Sign Language” and Samuel Heinicke is known as the “Father of Oralism.”

American Sign Language

American Sign Language is traced back to 1814. Dr. Thomas Hopkins Gallaudet, a minister from Hartford, Connecticut, had a neighbor named Mason Fitch Cogswell. Cogswell had a nine-year-old daughter named Alice who was deaf. Gallaudet met Alice and Gallaudet wanted to teach her how to communicate.

Gallaudet did not really know anything about educating a deaf child. So, he raised enough money to travel to Europe to learn their methods of deaf education.

Gallaudet met Abbé Roche Ambroise Sicard who was Abbé de L’Epée’s successor and the head of the National Institute for Deaf-Mutes in Paris. Gallaudet also met Jean Massieu and Laurent Clerc, two accomplished teachers of the deaf from the same institution.

Gallaudet attended classes with Sicard, Massieu, and Clerc at the Institute. He studied their methods of teaching and took private lessons from Clerc.

Preparing to return to America, Gallaudet asked Clerc to join him. He knew that Clerc would be instrumental in starting a school for the deaf in the United States. Clerc agreed to travel with him back to America.

The American Asylum for Deaf-Mutes (now known as the American School for the Deaf) was established in 1817 in Hartford, Connecticut. This was the first public school for the deaf in America.

Deaf people from all over the U.S. travelled to attend the school. Just like at Abbé de L’Epée’s school in Paris, children brought signs they learned at home with them. From these signs and the signs from French Sign Language that Gallaudet learned, American Sign Language was created.

A Deaf College

In 1851, Thomas Hopkins Gallaudet died. However, his two sons, Thomas Gallaudet and Edward Miner Gallaudet succeeded him and continued work in deaf education.

Edward wanted to establish a college for the deaf, but the funding always stopped him. In 1857, though, Amos Kendall donated acres of land to establish a residential school in Washington, D.C. called the Columbia Institution for the Deaf and Dumb and the Blind and wanted Edward to be the superintendent of the school.

Edward accepted the offer, but still wanted to start a college for the deaf. So, he presented his idea for a deaf college to Congress and Congress passed legislation in 1864 allowing the Columbia Institute to grant college degrees.

The Columbia Institute’s college division (the National Deaf-Mute College) opened in 1864. In all of Deaf history, this was the first college for the deaf.

The National Deaf-Mute College was renamed in 1893 and again in 1986 to the name it still has today-Gallaudet University. Gallaudet University was the first and is still the only liberal arts university for the deaf in the world.

Oralism versus Sign Language

Sign language was spreading widely and was used by both deaf and hearing people. However, supporters of oralism believe that deaf people need to learn how to speak to be able to function in society.

The Institution for the Improved Instruction of Deaf-Mutes was founded in New York in 1867 and the Clarke Institution for Deaf-Mutes was founded in Northampton, Massachusetts. These schools began educating deaf children using oralism only. If that wasn’t bad enough, these schools encouraged all deaf schools to use only the oralism approach as well. The oralist methods of teaching speech, listening, and speechreading spread quickly to schools across the nation.

Alexander Graham Bell was one of the strongest supporters of oralism. In 1872, he established a school in Boston. This school trained teachers to use oralism to teach deaf children.

Bell established the American Association to Promote the Teaching of Speech to the Deaf, Inc. in 1890. This association is now called the Alexander Graham Bell Association for the Deaf.

From 1880 to 1990, the sign language versus oralism debate intensified. Meeting in Milan, Italy in 1880, the International Congress on the Education of the Deaf met to address this issue. Many leaders in education attended this conference that is now known as the Milan Conference.

Oralism won the debate at this conference and Congress then passed a declaration stating “the incontestable superiority of speech over sign for integrating the deaf-mute into society and for giving him better command of the language.”

Because of this conference, the use of sign language in deaf education declined drastically over the next decade. Some oralism activists wanted to eradicate sign language completely.

By 1920, 80% of deaf children were taught using the oral method. Teachers of deaf children were once 40% deaf and 60% hearing. By the 1860’s, only 15% of teachers of the deaf were deaf.

Outside of the classroom, however, sign language was still widely used. The National Association of the Deaf (NAD) was established in the U.S. and supported the sign language method of deaf education. The NAD argued against oralism saying that it is not the right choice for the education of many deaf people. They gained support and kept the use of sign language alive during this time.

Amid this great debate, William Stokoe, a hearing Gallaudet College professor, published his claim that proved American Sign Language is a real language. He proved that ASL is a language separate from English and that it has its own grammar and syntax.

American Sign Language was then finally seen as an important national language.

Congress issued the Babbidge Report in 1964 on oral deaf education that stated oral education was a “dismal failure.” This quote dismissed the decision that was made in Milan.

In 1970, a movement began that did not choose between signed or oral education. The movement was called Total Communication and attempted to mix several methods of deaf education. Total Communication gave deaf people the right to information through all possible ways. This method of teaching can include speech, sign language, fingerspelling, lipreading, pantomime, computers, pictures, ****** expressions, gestures, writing, hearing aid devices, and reading.

The changes that have occurred throughout the history of sign language makes sign language and the lives of deaf people what they are today. Deaf people have experienced great hardships as well as great achievements to bring sign language, the language of the Deaf, the respect that it deserves.

Language Connect asked:


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Language Connect has a well-crafted system of processes in place which allows us to directly code responses to open-ended questions (‘verbatims’) or other qualitative data in Market Research studies. Unless there is a specific need for the back-translation of verbatim responses, our linguists code open-ended questionnaire responses into meaningful and exhaustive categories to facilitate data analysis. The need for back-translation is therefore completely eliminated as the output of the process is purely quantitative.

Our coding service reduces project turnaround time for our clients by up to 80% and some of our clients estimate they have reduced processing costs by as much as 70%. Our pricing structure is also simple and transparent. You only get charged per response meaning that even if there are three codes assigned to one response, you will still only pay once.

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Md sahid Morsalin asked:


WHY IS THE DISTINCTION BETWEEN LANGUAGE AND DIALECT A DILIMNA FOR THE SOCIOLINGUIST TILL NOW?

 

There are no universally accepted criteria for distinguishing languages from dialects, although a number of paradigms exist, which render sometimes contradictory results. The exact distinction is therefore a subjective one, dependent on the user’s frame of reference.

Language varities are often called dialects rather than languages:



solely because they are not (or not recognized as) literary languages,

because the speakers of the given language do not have a state of their own,

because they are not used in press or literature, or very little.

or because their language lacks prestige.



A regional or social variety of a language distinguished by pronunciation, grammar, or vocabulary, especially a variety differing from the standard literary language or speech pattern of the culture in which it exists.

The problem with this definition is that it implies that there is some sort of “standard” language from which all of the various dialects of that language differ. In English, however, this is true. English language is far too widespread and varies too much for anyone to say that the English spoken in _ is “standard” and everything else is a “dialect.” Even if it were narrowed down to a single country, there is still a great deal of variation within that country, and who is to say which region/city/state/province speaks proper English?

 Dialect is simply this: “A variation of a given language spoken in a particular place or by a particular group of people.” Therefore, when I use the term dialect, It is making any sort of judgment about the quality or “correctness” of that variety of English. American, British, Canadian, and Australian English are all dialects of the English language, and that none of them is any better or more proper than any other.

In writing about English dialects on this site, my goal is to make English speakers - both native and non-native - aware of the differences in English as it is spoken around the world. I don’t think that the English I speak is “right” English, nor do I think that British and Australian are “wrong” English. I am fascinated by language in all its forms, and this site provides me with the opportunity to discover more about the language I speak and how it varies from the English spoken by others.

Anthropological linguists define dialect as the specific form of a language used by a speech community. In other words, the difference between language and dialect is the difference between the abstract or general and the concrete and particular. From this perspective, no one speaks a “language,” everyone speaks a dialect of a language. Those who identify a particular dialect as the “standard” or “proper” version of a language are in fact using these terms to express a social distinction.

Often, the standard language is close to the sociolect of the elite class.In groups where prestige standards play less important roles, “dialect” may simply be used to refer to subtle regional variations in linguistic practices that are considered mutually intelligible, playing an important role to place strangers, carrying the message of where a stranger originates (which quarter or district in a town, which village in a rural setting, or which province of a country); thus there are many apparent “dialects” of Slavey, for example, by which the linguist simply means that there are many subtle variations among speakers who largely understand each other and recognize that they are each speaking “the same way” in a general sense.

Differentiating languages and dialects is almost impossible. Some would define languages as being the main branch, while dialects are just variants to it. More specifically, I would say it’s very politically defined. Take Japanese for example, it’s the official language of Japan, yet the Ryukyuan ‘languages’ are just dialects to it, despite not being mutually intelligible. In other instances, such as Inuktitut, it’s not quite one language, but a whole set of dialects/languages. From group or tribe to another, the language is still intelligible, but if you skip from East to West, the Inuktitut language might be completely different. To further point that politics win over linguistics; There are two tribes somewhere in Western Canada that speak basically the same language, except for a few variants, which thus make them related to each other, if not the same language. But because they refuse to associate to each other, they’re both independent languages political-wise. Determining who the “language” is, and who speaks the “dialect” is basically impossible. Language is constantly changing, evolving, merging, etc. While being mutually intelligible, or even historically related, are not alone strong enough factors to decide

.

        Spoken Chinese comprises many regional variants, generally referred to as dialects. However, the mutual unintelligibility of the sub varieties is the main ground for classifying them as separate languages or dialect groups. Each dialect group consists of a large number of dialects, many of which may themselves be referred to as languages. The boundaries between one so-called language and the next are not always easy to define. Because each dialect group preserves different features of Middle Chinese (dating back to early or even pre-Tang times), they have proven to be valuable research tools in the phonological reconstruction of Middle and even to some extent its ancestor, Old Chinese. Most Chinese speak one of the Mandarin dialects, which are largely mutually intelligible.

 

         It is wondering what the exact difference between a language and a dialect is. It seems odd that there are mutually unintelligible dialects and yet mutually intelligible languages. What prompts people to classify them can also be political, too; having its own language, as opposed to speaking a dialect of someone else’s, can sound pretty attractive. Why can’t we all just say that this is a language and that is a dialect, and leave it at that? We don’t have to get all this political and emotional and religious boop mixed up in a purely linguistic problem. Somehow I’m really starting to like the whole ‘different varieties’ theory, since whether something is a ‘dialect’ or a ‘language’ doesn’t really say anything valuable at all in the end. Why can’t we all just say that this is a language and that is a dialect, and leave it at that? We don’t have to get all this political and emotional and religious boop mixed up in a purely linguistic problem. Such is the nature of man. Somehow I’m really starting to like the whole ‘different varieties’ theory, since whether something is a ‘dialect’ or a ‘language’ doesn’t really say anything valuable at all in the end. Everyone agree, there is a gradient scale of everything. Thinking about it, it would be really neat to see a genus-species chart of all the languages and dialects in the world, from ‘language’ down to ‘North Midwestern English’.

 

          Since we will be drawing primarily on linguistic research to tell the story of African American Vernacular English, we need to explain some of the premises under which linguists operate the kinds of principles which are usually covered in the first chapter of introductory textbooks on linguistics.

            The first such premise is that linguistics is a descriptive rather than a prescriptive discipline.  By this we mean that our objective is to describe the systematic nature of language as used by the members of particular speech communities rather than to pass judgments about how well they speak or how they should or should not be using their language.  The study of people’s attitudes towards one variety or another is an interesting sub field of linguistics, one which can help us to understand the social distribution of dialects or the direction of language change, and one which can be helpful in formulating policy about which varieties to use in the schools and how.  But even here, the linguist is primarily describing the attitudes rather than prescribing what they should be.

            A second, related premise is that every naturally used language variety is systematic, with regular rules and restrictions at the lexical, phonological and grammatical level.  Although non-linguists sometimes assume that some dialects–unusually non-standard ones –don’t have any rules, or that they are simply the result of their speakers’ laziness, carelessness, or cussedness, linguists usually feel quite differently, both on empirical grounds, and on theoretical grounds.  The theoretical reason is that the successful acquisition and use of a language variety in a community of speakers would be impossible if language were not systematic and rule-governed.  If every speaker could make up his or her own words and rules for pronunciation and grammar, communication between different speakers would be virtually impossible.  

            Note, too, that linguists use the term dialect as a neutral term to refer to the systematic usage of a group of speakers–those in a particular region or social class, for instance–and that the term has within linguistics none of the negative connotations which it sometimes has in everyday usage of language.  Everyone speaks a dialect–at least one.

            The third premise of linguistics which we think it is important to emphasize is that in trying to understand and describe the system of a language, we give primary attention.  One obvious reason for this is that the written to speech rather than writing language omits valuable information about the pronunciation or sound system of a language.  But there are other reasons, including the fact that people all over the world learn to speak before they learn to read or write, and the fact that competence in the spoken variety of at least one language is universal to all normal human beings, but literacy is a more restricted skill.  Of course the written language is, to varying extents, related to the spoken language.  Comparing and contrasting the two is a fascinating enterprise and some of the evidence which we will consider in this book will be drawn from literature, as some of the excerpts considered above already demonstrate.  But because non-linguists often attach greater authority to the written rather than the spoken word it’s important to emphasize that linguists tend to make precisely the opposite assumption.

            The fourth and final premise of linguistics is that although languages are always systematic, variation among their speakers is absolutely normal.  Although we sometimes think or act as if there were one entity called American or British English–and grammatical handbooks help to reinforce this fiction–we know from actual experience that the “language” varies from one region to another, from one social group to another, and even when region and social group are held constant, from one occasion or topic to another.

            The most significant variations or differences within languages occur at the level of the lexicon, phonology, grammar and usage.  Moreover, they are not just qualitative, in the sense that dialect A uses one feature and dialect B another, but they may also be quantitative, in the sense that dialect A uses one feature more often than dialect B does.  Finally, variation may be regional, social or stylistic in its origins, and the methods that linguists have used to study each type differ slightly.  We will now elaborate on these important concepts and provide examples.

 

Lexical variation

            Differences in vocabulary are one aspect of dialect diversity which people notice readily and comment on quite frequently.  They are certainly common enough as markers of the differences between geographical areas or regions–for instance the fact that “a carbonated soft drink” might be called England, and cold drink, drink or dope in various parts of the South. Or the fact that a person who was “tired” or exhausted” might describe themselves as being pop in the inland North and the West of the United States, soda in the Northeast, tonic in Eastern New all in  if they were from the North or West, but wore out or give out if they were from the South. Accordingly, lexical differences play a significant role in regional dialectology, and in popular treatments of American dialects like the documentary film American Tongues, lexical differences are given prime coverage.

            Lexical differences are not as salient in distinguishing the speech of different social or socioeconomic classes, and they have accordingly played a much smaller role in social dialectology, which has concentrated instead on differences in phonology and grammar.  Nevertheless they are certainly an aspect of ethnic differences–for instance, knowledge of the term ashy  to describe the “whitish or grayish appearance of skin due to exposure to wind and cold” is widespread among African Americans but less so among European Americans and several dictionaries of African American English have appeared over the past several years.  Lexical differences are also a factor in stylistic variation, and in what are sometimes called the “genderless” of men versus women.

Phonological variation

            Phonological variation refers to differences in pronunciation within and across dialects, for instance the fact that people from New York and New England might pronounce “greasy” with an s, while people from Virginia and points further south might pronounce it with a z.  Or the fact that working class people across the United States are more likely than are upper middle class speakers to pronounce the initial th of they and similar words with a d.

            One relevant aspect of phonological variation worth noting is that it is often conditioned by the phonological environment–that is, by where in a utterance, word-initially, word-finally, before r, and so on, the sound occurs.  We’ve already seen one example of this in the fact that post vocalic [r] is not lost in Boston when the next word begins with a vowel; this is sometimes referred to as “linking r”.

            Phonological variation–particularly insofar as it involves consonants–is central to social variation and stylistic variation too, and we will provide relevant examples below.

Grammatical variation

            What we have been referring to as grammatical variation really involves two sub-types:  morphology and syntax.  Morphology refers to the structure or forms of words, including the morphemes or minimal units of meaning which comprise words, for instance the morphemes {un}”not” and {happy} “happy” in unhappy , or the morphemes {cat}”cat” and {s} “plural” in cats.  Syntax refers to the structure of larger units like phrases and sentences, including rules for combining and relating words in sentences, for instance the rule that in English yes/no questions, auxiliaries must occur at the beginning of sentences, before the subject noun phrase, e.g. Can John go? versus the statement John can go.  

            One can find examples of regional variation of both types.  For instance, the form or morphology of the past tense of catch, climb and draw  was sometimes catched, clum and drawed respectively in parts of the East but only caught, climbed and drew respectively in the Western US, at least according to a report more than forty years ago.  In the Midwest of the US (including Wisconsin, Ohio and Iowa) and other regions (parts of Pennsylvania, New Jersey, West Virginia), one can use anymore with the meaning of “nowadays” in positive sentences like “He smokes a lot anymore,” but in the rest of the country, anymore can only be used with the meaning of “no longer” and only in negative sentences, as in “He doesn’t smoke a lot anymore” (Labov 1973).  Perhaps even more dramatic is the use of “So don’t I” in Boston and other parts of New England where other dialects would use “So do I”.

 

Learn Languages Abroad asked:


Every year lots of students coming from any corner of the world choose to have a learning holiday in order to study a second language abroad. After English, the most interesting and attractive language is nowadays the Spanish one. Spanish is an extremely expressive and lively language, so the ideal approach to it for a foreign student could be to study in a country where culture and people represent essential requirements for a pleasant full immersion. There is no question that one of the most beautiful places in the world supporting the learning of Spanish language is Santo Domingo, where students have the possibility to study while spend an absolute funny holiday.

Dominican Republic is an extraordinary beautiful Caribbean island, a country rich of special traditions, and nature, sea and mood of Caribbean people make of it one of the most exciting places in the world. So, if a so beautiful place is usually the favourite destination of thousands of tourists coming from all over the world, think about how interesting could be to choose Santo Domingo as a destination for a learning holiday abroad.

Santo Domingo means guaranteed fun for visitors, but also high educational quality for students. In fact, the isle offers some Spanish language schools that support a wide variety of Spanish courses that fit with any age or need. Besides traditional Spanish Standard Courses - long term courses are available for people who wish to spend a long holiday there - students will also find good Intensive Spanish language courses and Personal Spanish language courses organized following needs of single students, who will have the possibility to choose how, where and when to study. Among Personal ones, the Tourism and Culture Course stands up as interesting and attractive and give students the opportunity to visit the isle far and wide while discovering its numerous beauties.

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Learn Languages Abroad asked:


Florence, Italy August 10, 2007 –

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